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Romance Languages and Linguistic Theory 12: Selected papers from the 45th Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages (LSRL), Campinas, Brazil
Edited by Ruth E.V. Lopes, Juanito Ornelas de Avelar and Sonia M. L. Cyrino
[Romance Languages and Linguistic Theory 12] 2017
► pp. 159–184

Chapter 11
Circumventing ɸ-minimality

On some unorthodox cases of A-movement in Brazilian Portuguese

| Universidade de São Paulo

In this paper I argue that locative agreement and possessor raising in Brazilian Portuguese (BP) should be subsumed under Nunes’s (2008) analysis of hyper-raising in BP. More specifically, I propose that these unorthodox instances of A-movement in BP do not violate minimality, for the crossed potential interveners become inert for purposes of A-movement after receiving inherent Case. The proposed analysis extends to “extralong” cases of possessor raising and mixed patterns involving possessor raising out of locative configurations and provides an account for the role of the EPP in bleeding ɸ-minimality.

Keywords: hyper-raising, locative agreement, possessor raising, A-movement, Minimality, inherent Case, Brazilian Portuguese
Article outline
  • 1.Introduction
  • 2.Subject hyper-raising in Brazilian Portuguese
  • 3.More instances of inherent Case circumventing ɸ-minimality
  • 4.Some consequences
    • 4.1“Extralong” A-movement
    • 4.2Mixed cases
  • 5.Movement-dependent agreement and the role of the EPP
  • 6.Concluding remarks
  • Acknowledgements
  • Notes
  • References
Published online: 19 October 2017
DOI logo
https://doi.org/10.1075/rllt.12.11nun
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