Edited by Ingo Feldhausen, Martin Elsig, Imme Kuchenbrandt and Mareike Neuhaus
[Romance Languages and Linguistic Theory 15] 2019
► pp. 220–236
Chapter 11. Postverbal subject positions in ‘semi-finite’ clauses in Southern Italo-Romance and Sardinian
Both Sardinian inflected infinitives on the one hand and Southern Calabrese and Salentino subjunctive complement clauses on the other can be considered semi-finite since, among other things, they are marked for person and number agreement with the subject, as finite clauses, but lack tense marking, on a par with non-finite clauses. These clauses all present VOS as the unmarked word order and allow VSO under specific pragmatic conditions. On the basis of a series of syntactic tests, this paper shows that these orders are derived via remnant VP-movement rather than object shift. Furthermore, it is argued that these varieties, although they allow for VSO, do not form an exception to Gallego’s (2013) generalization on VOS/VSO in Romance.