Chapter 4
Animacy-based processing loads in anaphora resolution in (non-native) French
Evidence for privileged interface representations
This article examines animacy-based processing loads in conceptual structure in native and non-native processing of French during the resolution of pronouns lui/elle ‘3p.sing.masc/fem’, son ‘3p.sing.gen,’ and le/la ‘3p.sing.masc/fem.acc’ in displaced constituents under reconstruction. Both lui and son in décision (à propos de lui)/(à son sujet) ‘decision about him’ involve complements, whereas le in décision le concernant ‘decision regarding him’ involves modification. In a group of advanced non-native speakers, animacy activations linked to lui differed from those linked to son relative to baseline le, despite complement status. This was not the case in native speakers. We argue that processing lui/elle vs. son in conceptual structure engages animacy at distinct levels, reflecting lexical selection and indicating that lexically defined interface representations are privileged.
Article outline
- Grammatical architecture and anaphora in French
- The study
- The activation of animacy: PIRH claims
- Capturing activation patterns: Methods
- Predictions
- Procedures and participants
- Results
- Experiment 1
- Experiment 2
- Summary and discussion
- Conclusion
-
Notes
-
References
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Cited by
Cited by 1 other publications
Dekydtspotter, Laurent, A. Kate Miller, Mike Iverson, Yanyu Xiong, Kyle Swanson, Charlène Gilbert & Julie Franck
2023.
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PLOS ONE 18:1
► pp. e0275305 ff.
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