Absence as evidence
Determination and coordination ellipsis in conjoined noun
phrases in (Early) New High German
In simple noun phrases, the generalization of
definiteness marking to all kinds of head nouns was well-advanced by
the Early New High German period (ENHG). In conjoined noun phrases,
however, coordination ellipsis of determiners was common and subject
to fewer restrictions than in Modern Standard German (MSG). A corpus
analysis reveals a there-and-back change in the
frequency of coordination ellipsis within ENHG and early NHG and a
substantial structural change in its conditioning towards MSG. The
semantic and pragmatic regularities favouring coordination ellipsis
across diverging grammatical features in (E)NHG can be described in
terms of natural coordination (the probability of concepts to
co-occur). Towards MSG, formal constraints on morphosyntactic
feature combinations (gender, number) prevail. A possible
explanation combines internal and external factors:
grammaticalization and codification. Methodologically, it turns out
fruitful to regard not only the spread of a new gram, but also
constructions favouring its absence.
Article outline
- 1.Introduction
- 2.Corpus analysis
- 2.1Modern Standard German
- 2.2(Early) New High German (1350–1800)
- 3.Natural coordination as a conditioning factor of coordination
ellipsis
- 4.Coordination ellipsis and grammaticalization of
determiners
- 4.1Internal factors: From semantic-pragmatic to morphosyntactic
conditioning
- 4.2Social factors: Obligatorifiation by codification and
stigmatization?
- 5.Conclusion: Mind the gap
-
Acknowledgements
-
Notes
-
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Cited by (2)
Cited by two other publications
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