Edited by Renata Szczepaniak and Johanna Flick
[Studies in Language Variation 23] 2020
► pp. 161–196
Absence as evidence
Determination and coordination ellipsis in conjoined noun phrases in (Early) New High German
In simple noun phrases, the generalization of definiteness marking to all kinds of head nouns was well-advanced by the Early New High German period (ENHG). In conjoined noun phrases, however, coordination ellipsis of determiners was common and subject to fewer restrictions than in Modern Standard German (MSG). A corpus analysis reveals a there-and-back change in the frequency of coordination ellipsis within ENHG and early NHG and a substantial structural change in its conditioning towards MSG. The semantic and pragmatic regularities favouring coordination ellipsis across diverging grammatical features in (E)NHG can be described in terms of natural coordination (the probability of concepts to co-occur). Towards MSG, formal constraints on morphosyntactic feature combinations (gender, number) prevail. A possible explanation combines internal and external factors: grammaticalization and codification. Methodologically, it turns out fruitful to regard not only the spread of a new gram, but also constructions favouring its absence.
- 2.Corpus analysis
- 2.1Modern Standard German
- 2.2(Early) New High German (1350–1800)
- 3.Natural coordination as a conditioning factor of coordination ellipsis
- 4.Coordination ellipsis and grammaticalization of
- 4.1Internal factors: From semantic-pragmatic to morphosyntactic conditioning
- 4.2Social factors: Obligatorifiation by codification and stigmatization?
- 5.Conclusion: Mind the gap
Electronic Corpora and other sources
Grammars and guidebooks
Cited by 2 other publications
This list is based on CrossRef data as of 11 october 2022. Please note that it may not be complete. Sources presented here have been supplied by the respective publishers. Any errors therein should be reported to them.