Chapter 5
Special issues in the linear placement of Serbian clitics
Article outline
- 1.Clitic pseudo-climbing out of dependent infinitive phrases
- 1.1Overview of infinitive clitics linear placement
- 1.2An informal description of the linearization of infinitive clitics
- 1.2.1Governors and syntactic roles of Vinf
- 1.2.1.1Vinf as the lexical part of MV in the future tense
- 1.2.1.2Vinf as the object of a semantically full verb
- 1.2.1.3Vinf as the subject of a finite copula or auxiliary verb
- 1.2.1.4Vinf as the oblique object of N/adj
- 1.2.2Factors relevant for the linear placement of the infinitive clitics
- 1.2.2.1Linear position of the infinitive phrase and syntactic role of Vinf
- 1.2.2.2Prosodic features of clause elements
- 1.2.2.3Type and number of clitics involved
- 1.2.2.3.1CPC resulting in ambiguity
- 1.2.2.3.2CPC resulting in a high number of clitics
- 1.2.2.3.3CPC resulting in case and case-person incompatibilities
- 1.2.2.3.4CPC resulting in sequences *[se je] and *[se se]
- 1.3Linearization of the infinitive clitics within the Meaning-Text framework
- 1.3.1What does “pseudo-” in “clitic pseudo-climbing” mean?
- 1.3.2Linearization rules for the infinitive clitics
- 1.3.2.1Basic infinitive clitics placement rules
- 1.3.2.2Preference rules
- 2.Serbian clitics as proclitics
- 2.1Post-prosodic break clitic placement
- 2.2Clause-initial clitic placement
- 3.Summary
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Notes