Chapter 2
Repetitional responses to polar questions in Russian conversation
This chapter examines repetitional responses to polar questions that implement requests for confirmation,
information, or assistance in Russian conversation, contrasting them with particle responses, such as da
(‘yes’) and net (‘no’). The analysis will show that Russian repetitional responses tend to be a marked
response option deployed to disalign from some dimension of the interrogative or the action it implements. For example,
repetitional responses may be deployed to reassert its speaker’s epistemic authority in the service of confirming a candidate
understanding, to insist on the veracity of a statement following an enactment of disbelief or doubt, to disalign from the
action implemented by an information request, or – in response to requests for service – to contest the stance that the
provision of assistance might be problematic. The analysis suggests that different types of repetitional responses (such as
lexical vs. longer repeats) may enact more or less disaligning stances vis-à-vis the initiating action. Overall, what exactly
is being accomplished via a repetitional response is sensitive to a number of considerations, including the sequential and
action environment of its deployment, the design of the repetitional response, and the repertoire of available response
options.
Article outline
- 1.Introduction
- 2.Data and method
- 3.An overview of Russian polar questions
- 4.Forms of repetitional responses
- 5.Responding to negative polarity interrogatives
- 6.Responding to repair initiations in the form of understanding checks
- 7.Responding to news-marks and enactments of surprise
- 8.Responding to requests for information
- 9.Responding to requests for service
- 10.Conclusions
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Notes
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References
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Appendix